Al-hamdu Lillahi Rabbi-l-’alamin, wa sall-Allahu ‘ala Ashraf al-Mursalin.
Dear Brothers and Sisters,
After the recent resignation of the provisional Chairman Bislan Gantamirov, the noble Shaykh Ahmad Kadyrov, the Chief Mufti of Ahlu-s-Sunnah wa-l-Jama’ah of Chechnya (hafazah-Ullah), has taken in his blessed hands the administration of the Republic of Chechnya.
May Allah help his to serve in this new role of his with the same determination he proved during his anti-Wahhabi jihad, wherein he sacrifice his house and his noble students for the salvation of Islam and the defense of the Chechen people against fitnah an-Najdiyyah.
During the last years, Shaykh Kadyrov fought with ikhlas to protect Muslims of Chechnya from the Wahhabi fitnah, and to save his people from wolves under the garment of sheep; as a consequence of his noteworthy and uncompromising fatawa in defense of the Sunni ‘aqidah, the Wahhabi thugs repeatedly tried to kill him, but Allah Ta’ala protected him for their savage plots. Since the gangsters lead by Basayev and Khattab were not able to capture him, those criminals took revenge by killing many of his pure students and some of his innocent relatives. Those brothers of ours – may Allah reward them with al-Firdaws – are added to the list of Believers who received martyrdom by the hand of the Wahhabis butchers.
Being conscious of his duty toward Allah Ta’ala, the Shaykh repeatedly exhorted his predecessor Mashkadov to take a serious stand against the bloodthirsty Saudi-paid bandits. Instead of listening to this noble ‘alim, the miserable Mashkadov shamefully betrayed both his Din and his country, and openly sided with the criminals he was called to punish. While deserving nothing more than an equitable trail and a severe punishment, the Wahhabi marauders were all of a sadden changed into “generals” and “field commanders”, and the secret police received the order to capture the noble Shaykh.
Al-hamdu Lillah, Allah prevailed in Him decree, and today Shaykh Ahmad Kadyrov – being a worthy heir of Shaykh Shamil an-Naqshbandi – is taking the pledge of leadership from the hands of his noble people, and none except heretics and hypocrites can refuse to help him in the cause of Allah. Our Majlis declares that helping the new President of Chechnya al-Hajj al-Shaykh Ahmad Kadyrov by hands, by charities or at least by hearts and du’ahs is fard kifayah for the Ummah of those who believe in Allah and the last Day.
May Allah Ta’ala give Shaykh Ahmad Kadyrov His help and a close victory. May He make him a victorious Ghazi and a worthy heir of Sayyiduna Omar and Sayydna Khalid Sayf-Ullah, of Sayyiduna Abu Ayyub Sultan and of Salahu-d-Din, of Sultan Mehmet Fathi and of Muhammad ‘Ali Pashah. May He help in in raising the sword of Tawhid, and in applying Allah’s judgment to those Wahhabi marauders who have exceeded in sedition and rebellion.
Allah Ta’ala says,
“The only reward of those who wage war against Allah and His Messenger and strive to create sedition in the land, is that they be slain, or crucified, or their hands and feet be cut off on account of their enmity, or they be expelled from the land. That shall be a disgrace for them in this world, and in the Hereafter they shall have a greater punishment; except those who repent before you have them in your power. So know that Allah is Most Forgiving, Merciful.” (al-Ma’idah, 36-37)
Praise be to Allah and Allah knows best.
Wa-s-salamu ‘alaykum wa rahmat-Ullahi wa barakatuH.
The Majlis of Ulema of
The Italian Muslim Assembly
A Muslim theologian appointed as the new interim President of Chechnya
ROME. June 13, 2000 (Tevere News) – According to an Interfax report dating June 11, 2000, the President Putin has announced to the Duma that the government of the Russian Federation congratulates with the Chechen people for the election of the new President, the Mufti Hajj Ahmad Kadyrov Gudarmesi, and is inviting him to Moscow for the preliminary draft of the treaty of peace and the discussion of the interim agreement.
Hajj Shaykh Kadyrov, is a master of Islamic theology and jurisprudence, and a Mufti of the Sunnis majority who graduated from Uzbekistan, at the Islam International University of Tashkent. He is also a member of the Naqshbandi Order, a learnt man who supports interfaith dialogue and preaches the mystical dimension of Sufism, criticizes fundamentalism and opposes the colonialism of the Wahhabi militants. His surname is “the Shaykh of the Martyrs”, since six members of his family and other students of his became innocent victims of a massacre.
When the Russian army approached Gudarmes, the city where Shaykh Kadyrov’s family lives, they hopefully welcomed the Federal Army, and showed to Moscow that Chechens are not interested in siding with the Wahhabis, since fundamentalist is not part of of the Chechen people’s tradition, but is imported from abroad and imposed on the people by means of violent imposition.
At a certain moment, the rupture was inevitable: the then president Maskhadov chose a nationalist approach, by proposing an anti-Russian alliance of both Chechens and Wahhabis, while Shaykh Kadyrov stated from the pulpit that an alliance with that sect was not acceptable, especially when deviations in belief caused a practical involvement in criminal acts. A moment came when the Shaykh excommunicated Maskhadov for the Islamic community and the Board of Scholars of Caucasus authenticated his verdict, while the then president ordered – in vain – his generals to imprison the spiritual leader.
As an immediate, barbarian act of revenge, the hand of death came all of a sudden in the first hours of the day. A band of Khattab’s kamikazes raided the Mufti’s land, his mosque, his school, and destroyed his courtyard by fire. His beloved son Ramadan (called “the the living martyr of Chechnya”) remained partially paralyzed, and the Mufti was compelled to hide himself with an escort in the forest:. His exiled lasted for sixty days.
Another Interfax of April 17 relates that the Mufti had declared, “I can and must lead the Chechen people out of this situation. I know what to do. Very much will change for the better for both of us.” He also asked Putin not to try to appoint a Quisling in the person of Doka Zavgayev. “The new leader – he said - must be someone from within Chechnya, not one of those who kept watching what was going on in the Republic from outside.” It seems that his proposal echoed in the Kremlin, and gives the world hope that peace in Chechnya is almost close to be reached.
In the meanwhile, Maskhadov is surrounding to Russians, too, while the bands of rebels, local criminals and Wahhabis are starting fighting each other, and disagreement prevails among their decimated ranks. Wahhabis foreign professional mercenaries lead by the Arab warlord Khattab are getting involved in suicide terrorism as their last resources, while those Chechens gangsters who have sided with the Wahhabis out of interest, under the leadership of the local boss Basayev, are now dissociating themselves from this strategy which – they say – “is incompatible with the rules of Islam.”
A new appointment for the leadership of Chechnya
TSENTOROI. April 17 (Interfax) – Chechen Mufti Ahmad Kadyrov has announced his readiness to become leader of the Chechen republic if Moscow makes an appropriate proposal.
“I can and must lead the Chechen people out of this situation,” Kadyrov told the press in the eastern Chechen village of Tsentoroi on Monday.
“I know what to do. Very much will change for the better,” he said.
However, only acting President Vladimir Putin can decide who will be the Chechen leader during the two-year transitional period, he said. “It must be someone from Chechnya, not one of those who kept watching what was going on in the republic from outside Chechnya,” he said. “The Chechen people will reject the people of Chechnya’s former leader Doka Zavgayev,” said Kadyrov.
“The sooner the appointment is made the better,” he said.
Regarding Chechnya’s possible status, he said that during the transitional period to last for two years, there can be no talk about what the status of the republic will be like. After two years, a referendum on this issue might be held, he said.
He said that the Chechen people are enough mature to decide their future on their own. If any decision is imposed on them “in thirty, forty or fifty years it will not be possible to prevent another imam to raise a flag of revolt as a mean to urge the people to build an independent republic,” said Kadyrov.
Radical Thugs who Infest Chechnya Put Peaceful Civilian in Danger
(From a press-release of the Human Rights Watch international organisation – Moscow)
The Human Rights Watch committee has discovered that Wahhabi militants in Chechnya violate the rights of peaceful civilians and put their lives in danger provoking counter-attacks by Russian troops against towns and settlements situated in the vicinity of extremists’ positions. More than once the peaceful civilians, who tried to save their villages from shelling and bombing raids, were beaten or threatened by militants. The militants also put civilians in danger by occupying positions in the densely populated areas and firing at Russian aircraft.
“Chechen militants put peaceful citizens in danger trying to hide among them,” said Holly Cartner, executive director of the European and Central Asian department of the Human Rights Watch committee. “However, the laws of war apply to them, too, as they apply to all other combatants. We call on the militants to do everything possible to reduce civilian casualties.”
As during the 1994-1996 war, Chechnya’s civilians, especially village elders, often try to prevent the destruction of their villages entering into talks with Russian servicemen and imploring the militants to leave the place.
The Human Rights Watch Committee discovered that at least in four Chechen villages Wahhabites (as the militants are often called in Chechnya for their adherence to a deviant interpretation of Islam) used to beat and threaten rural dwellers, who tried to insist that they should leave.
In Dyshne-Vedeno, a village in the south of Chechnya close to the Daghestani border, Islamic militants seized and beat the head of the village administration and his 16-year old son only because they had met with members of the Russian command in order to stop shelling and bombing raids. According to a villager, last December 17 the militants seized Ramzan, head of the village administration, and his son. The latter was found next morning, severely beaten, near the village graveyard, but Ramzan was not released at once. When a group of villagers, including Mohamed, tried to talk Salman Basayev (father of the Wahhabi warlord Shamil Basayev) into freeing Ramzan, Salman Basayev drove them away. Next day (December 19), when the delegation tried to meet with the commanders again, the militants began shooting into the ground and thus dispersed the crowd. As for Ramzan, he was freed only a week later. He told Mohamed that he was severely beaten when in captivity.
Mohamed told committee members about other human rights abuses committed in Dyshne-Vedeno by the militants headed by Shamil Basayev and Khattab, one of the most famous mercenary warlord who, as is believed, came to Chechnya from the Middle East. In early January, in one of the villages of the Oktyabrsky district, Mohamed discovered a Russian soldier with his throat cut. His body lay across the road opposite a militants group’s position. When Mohamed asked why they had killed the soldier, the militants said that they always did that to captured Russian soldiers.
However, the Geneva Convention has a special provision prohibiting the execution of war prisoners and qualifying such actions as war crimes.
Mohamed also said that militants often fired at flying Russian combat aircraft, provoking them to retaliate. “They sort of drew their fire, giving them a pretext for bombing,” he said. According to Mohamed, sometimes Wahhabites put air defence facilities in the yards of houses, thus provoking Russians’ air strikes.
In independent media sources it is difficult to find any confirmation to Mohamed’s statements on violations of civilians’ rights by both militants and the Russian army, because only several Dyshne-Vedeno villagers managed to escape to Ingushetia. Nevertheless, his detailed description does not differ much from other similar stories told about militants’ actions and received from other regions of Chechnya. About 4 a.m. on January 3, militants returned to the hamlet of Yermolovsky to the west of the Chechen capital Grozny. A man going under the alias of Ahmad told what had happened when the elders tried to persuade the militants to leave in order to save the hamlet from devastation. “The militants would not listen to the elders, they would not listen to anybody at all. We tried to persuade them not to enter the village. We kneeled before them. They told us: ‘Go away (from the village), if you want to live. We shall fight here.’ So, what happened in the end? People died, and the village was destroyed. All the people who could do so, gathered in the central square. Then the militants began shooting into the air and the ground, shouting: ‘Go away, go away!’ They tried to frighten us off. The elders said, “Why should we go? Let us talk, you are our sons and brothers, just think of this.” But the militants said: “No, we shall fight on.”
The villagers went away, and next day, according to Ahmed, the village came under the Russians’ artillery fire, which led to civilian casualties.
On December 18, residents of Staraya Sunzha, a village on the outskirts of Grozny, tried to erect barricades on the road leading to the Chechen capital, so as to stop the militants and other outlaws from entering the village. An eye-witness Ali Muradov said that the very next day Shamil Basayev himself appeared there with a group of about 40 militants. He accused villagers of supporting Beslan Gantamirov, commander of the Sunni Chechen militia, and demanded that they give away to them large quantities of weapons (which, according to Muradov, they did not have). When the villagers tried to approach Basayev, the militants began shooting into the ground. When Basayev ordered that all men be arrested, a brawl began. The militants arrested 18 peaceful villagers. Next day, they let go everyone except one. They kept him for a week constantly beating him. Muradov, who saw the man after he was released, said that “he was beaten all black and blue and had several ribs broken.” The villagers had to pull the barricades down and let the militants into the village.
In the same manner, in November the militants refused to leave the town of Alkhan-Yurt until it was surrounded by the Russian troops.
Vakha Muradov, a respected and aged Imam of Alkhan-Yurt, told committee members that over the last two weeks of November he was repeatedly trying to persuade the militants to leave Alkhan-Yurt. He first met with them on November 16 and told them that the Russian troops occupied the commanding heights and could destroy the town by artillery fire. This is what he said: “I begged them on behalf of all town dwellers: ‘please, go away, you must not fight here.’ The militants’ commander said that they would not retreat. When the mullah began to insist, the militants began firing into the air uttering threats to kill Muradov and other elders if they do not go away at once. We met with the militants three times, and each time they said one and the same thing: that they won’t retreat. Everyone is afraid of them.” The Imam and other Alkhan-Yurt residents assert that there were quite a few non-Chechens among the militants, including Daghestanis, Uzbeks, Kazakhs, but mostly natives of the Middle East coming from Afghanistan.
Valentina, a 60-year old woman from Grozny, said that she saw how militants in Grozny fired at the flying planes, thus putting civilians in danger. “They climbed to the roof of a school, put a machine-gun there and began firing at the flying Russian airplanes. Then they went away. The school stood intact, but in place of the two neighbouring houses there were only two craters left. The houses were destroyed by a direct hit.” She told how some other time militants drove along Grozny streets in an army jeep, on which a coaxial machine-gun was mounted. An airplane appeared in the sky, and the militants opened fire at it. The townsfolk rushed out of their houses begging the militants to stop shooting as they could not bring the plane down anyway, but could draw return fire. When the militants left, the planes dropped bombs on that area.
How Saudi Arabia Supports Wahhabi Terrorism in Chechnya.
A study on the illegal activity of “Al-Haramayn Foundation” in Russia, supplied to the head of the Republic of Chechnya by the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation
The international Saudi-based “charity” called Al-Haramayn Foundation was originally set up for support of the mujahedin movement in Afghanistan. Now it renders financial assistance to the military wing of the Wahhabi worldwide network. The Foundation has representative offices in Albania, Macedonia, Croatia, Kosovo, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Kenya, Somalia, Georgia and Azerbaijan. Over the past few years it has been illegally operating on the territory of Russia, particularly in the Chechen Republic, where under a guise of an international charitable organization it has been carrying out anti-Russian investigative-subversive activities.
The leader of the “charity” is the Saudi boss Aqil Ibn Abdil Aziz al-Aqil: Al-Haramayn Foundation’s headquarters is in Riyadh, the capital of Saudi Arabia.
Facts of Illegal Activity
In 1997 the Saudi “charitable organization” Al-Haramayn was providing strong financial support for religious groups of Wahhabi extremists in Daghestan. The extremists killed the local Sunni imams, including the local Shafi’i Mufti, and sought to overthrow the local constitutional order and to create an independent Taliban-like regime which would immediately secede from the Russian Federation.
Via its branch in Baku, Al-Haramayn transferred large sums in hard currency to the main centers of Wahhabism in Daghestan, stationed in the Republic’s capital Makhachkala and in the village of Karamakhi in the Buinaksk district.
Recently Al-Haramayn set up a new fund in support of Chechnya titled a “Foundation Regarding Chechnya,” a branch of which opened in Azerbaijan at the end of 1999. The new fund is financed through the Al-Barak bank. The fund sent 25 special “operators” to the regions bordering on Chechnya. The “operators” are charged with the task of establishing secure supply routes for the bandits’ illegal military units in Chechnya. (The transnational corporation Dailah Al-Baraka Group comprises the aforesaid bank and a host of companies in Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Turkey, Malaysia, South Africa, Tunisia and other countries. The corporation’s head, Hafez Abu Bakr Mohamed was one of the main sponsors of Aslan Maskhadov’s visit to Washington in 1998. The Saudi financial syndicate Al Baraka Investment and Development is involved in engineering channels for funding the Chechen separatists. In 1999 experts of the US-based Al-Baraka bank visited Chechnya. The talks they held with Chechen authorities resulted in a decision to set up the bank’s branch in Grozny and assist in training local banking specialists.)
Despite the fact that officially the syndicate’s financial donations were to fund religious events traditionally held during religious holidays, they were actually spent to purchase weapons, combat outfit, medical drugs, communications systems, and motor-vehicles for the Chechen and Daghestani illegal military units, as well as to pay allowances to the religious extremists.
According to reports from reliable sources, a good share of the funds donated to Chechnya by charitable organisations is embezzled and subsequently transferred to personal accounts in foreign banks opened by many Chechen Wahhabi warlords, including E. Khattab and Sh. Basayev. All major Chechen warlords had long ago sent their families to the United Arab Emirates or other Middle East countries where they live on allowances supplied by the local dictators.
The following foreign mercenaries took part in the Al-Haramayn’s “charity activities” in Daghestan and Chechnya, including armed operations of the militants’ illegal units against federal forces:
- citizens of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA): Al-Arbi Raid, born in 1972; Al-Gomedi Salekh, born in 1974 (also known as Al-Hamdi Salekh Ali, born 30.11.74); Muamar Abdel Vakhab Turkiy, born 11.08.1970, a native of Al-Kuwait of the State of Kuwait, resident of Riyadh, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (known as Moamer Al Turky Abdul Vakhab);
- citizens of Yemen: Jamal Marai, born in 1970; Al-Akhmer Khalid, born in 1972; Mohammed Salikh Omar, born in 1968, a native of Mecca of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (known as Omr Mohammed Salekh Hedesh, born in 1967);
- citizen of the Syrian Arab Republic (SAR) Ali Nasser, born in 1973;
- citizen of Iraq Salikh Favzi Sakhir, born in 1967.
Over the past few years the subversive Wahhabi centre has made Maskhadov’s regime and its illegal armed units an object of special patronage and attention. As of today, the following emissaries (all citizens of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia) of the Al-Haramayn Foundation act both in the headquarters of the so-called supreme commander-in-chief of the Chechen bandits’ illegal armed units and in detachments of the major field commanders: Abdel Latyf ben Abdel Karim Al-Daraan (attached to Maskhadov’s headquarters), Abu Omar Mohammed As-Seif (attached to Shamil Basayev and Khattab), Abu Sabit, Abu Salman Mohammed, Abu Abdalla, Salekh ben Mohammed Ad-Dakhshi, and others.
According to reliable information at the disposal of Russian special services, it is the aforesaid individuals that ensure provision of financial support for the Chechen extremists, organize supplies of arms, medicines and food for the bandits’ armed units, provide for medical treatment of the militants wounded in action. For example, in November 1999 $1 million was transferred to account 0150239640 opened with the International Islamic Bank in the name of Omran Ahmed Ali Al-Oveis. The money had been earmarked to purchase weapons badly needed by the Chechen terrorists. Shortly after that, the Al-Haramayn Foundation was instrumental in arranging transfer of 480,000 Saudi Arab riyals donated to the Chechen separatists by a certain Mansur ben Abdel Rahman Al-Kady.
Reliable sources report that Al-Haramayn emissaries have made an agreement with the Taliban movement in Pakistan for acquisition of 500 units of heavy weaponry for the Chechen bandits. One of the leading functionaries of an international Wahhabi network, Abu Said, recently paid a special visit to Pakistan in order to arrange deliveries of those armaments to Chechnya, and also to recruit Pakistani mercenaries and qualified sappers. The weaponry, money and combat gear will be dispatched to Chechnya via Turkey and Georgia.
The Al-Haramayn emissaries are engaged in extensive espionage activities on the territory of Chechnya and help the militants wage the information war against Russia.
One of the bandits’ messages addressed to their patrons in Saudi Arabia and intercepted by the Russian special services at the end of November 1999, reads as follows: “We have stocked our centres and supply points in the mountains with required amounts of fuel and food. All in all, over 200 tons of food and 100,000 tons of diesel fuel and gasoline have been stored. The Russians will never find out the whereabouts of these stocks.
A certain Abu Sarakh in a message to his Saudi superiors promised to give some “sensational” information regarding Chechnya which could be used for propaganda purposes in foreign mass media. He also reported that he “took part in interrogation of a Russian prisoner of war. The resultant information will help us set up an ambush for a unit of the federal forces.”
In December 1999 an Al-Haramayn functionary reported to his headquarters: “Today I visited a number of organisations. Joint work is possible, and “our brothers ” who had come here earlier will set up a cover for this joint work. Probably, we will use a correspondent’s office for a front. We can bring over here the stuff we had in Georgia. We’ll transmit all information via the Internet.”
In January 2000 Salah Ad-Din speaking from Riyadh requested his source in Chechnya to urgently provide information “about activities of Russian troops in Grozny, particularly in the area of the Minutka square. “We require the names and code numbers of the Russian military units involved in the combat operations.” Further, he explained to his vis-a-vis that the information the latter had been supplying was readily used by the BBC and CNN. “After watching our footage from Chechnya, even those infidels in America start saying that they want to help the Chechen people, and are ready to fight against the Russians.”
In February 2000 an unidentified emissary reported from Chechnya to the Saudi boss Aqil Ibn Abdelaziz Al-Aqil on the progress made in preparations for major terrorist operations to be launched against Russian troops during the presidential election campaign, “Tomorrow evening you will receive by fax our plans for the Argun and Grozny operations. Have a look, discuss…”
February 2000. The following is an excerpt from a message to Adel Tadjem-Abu Usam in Saudi Arabia, “…The situation here is very bad. The Russian Army is everywhere, except for some remote areas in the mountains they find hard to access so far. Our former experience of fighting against the army of the communist regime in Afghanistan or the army of the Serbian government is of little use. In Chechnya we deal with an enormous and powerful military force. The Russians keep chasing us all over the place. We are waiting for the snow to melt and open up the paths in the mountains. At the moment our people can do little more than just sleep up there.”
Al-Haramayn lays special emphasis on provision of effective medical treatment for the militants wounded in action, so that they could promptly return to the front line. For that purpose, the Foundation sends money, medical personnel and drugs to Chechnya and the adjoining countries, where a number of field hospitals have been set up.
December 1999. A report from Riyadh to Chechnya: “Sheikh Jamal is sending you three surgeons with Turkish and Pakistani assistants. The planes with the above on board are on their way to Georgia where they’ll land in 2-3 hours.”
December, 1999. A message sent by the Al-Haramayn emissary Abdulla Latif from Chechnya to Saudi Arabia: “We need field hospitals, medicines, and medical equipment, as well as facilities for prompt evacuation of the wounded to Georgia. Estimated costs – $3 million. $1 million more will be required to ensure medical treatment of the wounded in Georgia and Turkey. The money shall be channelled to Chechnya and Georgia via Turkey.”
Later the Al-Haramayn’s main representative in Georgia personally reported to the Foundation’s general director: “Officials of the Georgian Government and Chechnya’s Embassy in Georgia are well aware of our Mission’s activities. Everybody here holds a high opinion of our work…”.
The same Al-Haramayn’s representative informed the Chechen militants that mediating efforts of Yandarbiyev and Udugov had moved the Talibs and mujahedins of Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan to express readiness to assist their Chechen “brothers”. Pakistan, according to him, is even prepared to offer support with its nuclear arsenal.
In December 1999 Afghanistan’s consul in Karachi openly said the following to the Al-Haramayn’s representative in Chechnya Sheikh Abu Omar, “We are happy every time we hear of your victories. Our hearts and minds go out for you. We want to fight against the Russians together with you. It is the Holy war for us.”
Successful actions of the federal forces in North Caucasus have thwarted many schemes of international extremists, including those cherished by the Al-Haramayn’s leadership. They shun the unwanted publicity of their unseemly activities, but, nevertheless, carry on rendering extensive support for the Chechen bandits. In this respect, the following message to Chechnya intercepted by Russian special services in February 2000 is particularly indicative: “Al-Haramayn seeks to avoid being charged with instigating the “jihad”, and therefore, will switch to sending the required aid in smaller shipments…” A few days later a new message from the same source was intercepted: “Al-Haramayn has allocated $50 million specifically for the needs of the mujahedins. Sheikh Abu Malik will be responsible for appropriate distribution of that amount.”
According to the information transmitted from Chechnya by a certain Abu Salekh, in May-June the militants will be able to use the so-called “south route” to bring in the much needed reinforcements, from Georgia, set up training camps in the mountains, and fortify the defensive potential of the strategically important district of Shatoi (lay a network of trenches, set up and equip a hospital, store up resources, and prepare a solid logistical base).
To ensure implementation of these plans the Al-Haramayn Foundation intends to allocate $50 million and send qualified personnel from UAE and Kuwait possessing relevant experience gained in similar operations in Kosovo and Bosnia.
Intercepted pieces of radio communication between Arab mercenaries themselves contain reference to connections of the chief of the Al-Haramayn’s branch in Chechnya, Abu Omar, with foreign special services, and mention his intention to covertly cross the Chechen border in an attempt to leave Chechnya. The mercenaries also mentioned that a new field commander named Abu Talkh had arrived from Bosnia.
The following is an excerpt from Abu Salekh’s report: “We will shortly complete replenishment of our stocks of munitions and combat wear, and after certain preparatory steps will restart large-scale operations. We have the potential to do that. Our units in Daghestan are also being reinforced. We will strike real hard this summer.” According to an Arab mercenary named Tadj, there are over 1,200 Wahhabi foreign thugs in Chechnya at the moment.
The following is a message from abroad received by Tadj: “…The cargo is ready for shipment. It contains anti-tank rocket launchers, rockets, a wide-range of shells, machine guns, Kalashnikov assault rifles and sniper rifles. We have purchased 1,000 artillery shells, one Fagot anti-tank guided missile, 500 bullet-proof vests…”
In his response Tadj requests urgent dispatch of 500 sets of summer and winter combat wear, sleeping bags and footwear: “…Pay 1,000, 2,000 or 5,000. It does not matter. Send it all in by a truck as soon as possible. We also urgently need tents.”